Department of Psychology,
University of Sydney.
1. Look briefly at the benefits of computer simulation and connectionist modeling in general;
2. Describe two examples of psychological theory which I believe are in need of modeling, and illustrate the confusions that arise when theorists avoid the discipline imposed by modeling techniques;
3. Consider some of what I regard as problems for computer simulation and neural network techniques currently in use.
The benefits of computer simulation of psychological theories were reviewed and debated at length in the 1960s and 1970s, (Newell, 1973 ; Reitman, 1965; Uhr, 1973) and, more recently, in the context of artificial neural networks, by Quinlan, (1991) so I shall simply summarise rather than dwell upon these aspects of the topic. Frijda (1967) describes how computer programs can provide unambiguous formulations of a theory as well as means for testing the sufficiency and consistency of the theory. Computer simulation may also serve as an heuristic in the search for models; the effort of programming a machine to perform a given task can lead to illuminating psychological hypotheses, even in the absence of behavioural evidence. Just to give an example of the latter, one of my fellow postgrads at the School of Artificial Intelligence in Edinburgh, was building a movement-detection device and noticed that it would occasionally signal movement when no movement was present in the stimulus field Finding no fault in his circuitry or programming, he recreated the stimulus conditions which had produced the movement detection response in the machine for human subjects, and discovered a new illusion of movement, (Lamontagne, 1973).
However, such serendipity is probably rare, and the main benefits of modeling arise from the discipline imposed by attempting to cast a theory within the explicit, logical framework of a machine. If done properly, there can be no room for the vagueness and legerdemain that can often surround the traditional verbal accounts of psychological theory. I would like to argue that many theories in psychology survive, and in some cases remain unfalsifiable, because they have not been subjected to this sort of analysis. John Stuart Mill once said, 'When I am wrong, I want to be wrong in such a way that everyone will know I am wrong." For any psychological theory, Mill's wish is, I believe, fulfilled by answers to the following questions:, "What sort of machine could acquire the behavioural repertoire that the theory is attempting to explain ?" "What would the machine's inputs have to be, and how exactly would they be processed in order to generate appropriate responses ?" Answers to these questions require a clear, detailed and precise delineation of the machine's components, their inter-relationships and the functions they serve. Theories embodied in such a framework are more informative, more easily understood and more vulnerable to experimental test.
"...they frame an idea which they find those many particulars do partake in, and to that they give, with others, the name man, for example. And thus they come to have a general name and a general idea, wherein they make nothing new, but only leave out of the complex idea they had of Peter and James, Mary and Jane, that which is peculiar to each and retain only that which is common to all." Vol 2, Book 3, p. 11.
The important point to note here is Locke's use of the words, "wherein they make nothing new", the idea being that an abstract idea is not another idea or entity over and above all the ideas of the single instances, but simply refers to relationships in which the single entities stand. Locke emphasizes this point in other parts of his essay; when constructing genera and species, he notes that "there is no new thing made." His critic, Berkeley, and to a large extent, contemporary cognitive theory, have misinterpreted Locke's original notion, (Berkeley, 1710/1965). Referring to Locke's abstract idea of a triangle, Berkeley notes,
"What more easy than for anyone to look a little into his own thoughts, and there try whether he has, or can attain to have, an idea that shall correspond with the description that is here given of the general idea of a triangle - which is neither oblique nor rectangle, equilateral, equicrural nor scalenon, but all and none of these at once ?", p. 52
Locke, of course, was careful not to fall into the trap of reifying his abstract ideas, but, as I shall argue, not so contemporary cognitive psychology ! Many claim that the term schema was introduced to psychology by Bartlett (1932) who took the notion on from Sir Henry Head the neurologist, and today, in journals and textbooks of cognitive psychology, schema and prototype theories of visual pattern recognition are often contrasted with feature theories. In feature theory, patterns are recognized by way of processes that extract and differentially weight their features or attributes. Indeed, when I have applied for ARC financial support in my investigations of feature theory, I have often been advised by my reviewers that schema and prototype theory would be a much more fruitful context for my research, and as I contemplate yet another year of academic penury, my thoughts, not unnaturally, turn to the exact nature of schemata.
Here then is a perfect test case for computer simulation. Can schema theory be programmed ? Would it be possible to embody the pattern recognition processes proposed by schema theorists in some clearly defined, unambiguous mechanism ? Among the benefits of this exercise would be a possible end to the debate on exactly what schemata are, and a much needed clear distinction between schema and feature theory. Feature theories have, of course, been embodied in many different computer systems. Where then does one begin in this attempt to invest schema theory with mechanism ? One approach, which I call the modern Berkeleyean approach, has been mechanised in the form of template or prototype theory. The approach is Berkeleyean in the sense that the templates, schemata or prototypes are actual entities that are meant to encapsulate the general properties within some pattern class. In the world of banking, such mechanisms have had limited success in the recognition of stylised characters on cheques, but are not taken seriously as explanations of human pattern recognition.
On the surface, the Lockean approach has more to offer; schemata are not entities, but rather descriptions of the relationships in which the members of a class of objects stand. However, attempts to develop a pattern recognition mechanism along these lines have tended to make schema theory suspiciously like - some would say indistinguishable from - feature theory. One early attempt to program schema theory was that of Evans, Hoffman, Arnoult, & Zinser (1968). Evans (1967) defined a schema as,
"...a characteristic of some population of objects. It is a set of rules which would serve as instructions for producing (in essential aspects) a population prototype and object typical of the population." p.87.
So, the schema is not the prototype itself, but rather the rules or instructions for producing one. How could such a theory serve as a blueprint for constructing a pattern recognition device ? Evans, et al., (1968) suggest at the outset of their paper that pattern perception might benefit from attention to small frequently occurring characteristics such as straight lines of various slopes, and make reference to the utility of devices that analyze patterns into component strokes. Since these components may be put together to form more complex schemata such as alphabetic characters, they employ the term subschemata to describe them. The authors then go on to describe a device which represents patterns on an input array of 48 x 48 binary units. and convolves this array with 5 x 5 subschematic operators seeking matches between the operators and the input pattern.
This supposed implementation of schema theory is distinguishable from simulations of feature theory in name only. The patterns for recognition have become schema and their features subschemata. The processes described are those used in the early stages of the Uhr & Vossler (1963) feature-extraction and feature-weighting model. One may well ask where the theoretical processes of prototype construction and the measures of the extent to which individual members of the schema family adhere to the schema rules have gone. Clearly, these vague notions do not fare well within the discipline imposed by simulation. In my opinion, attempted simulations of schema theory in memory research expose the same sorts of difficulties. For example, in McClelland and Rummelhart's (1985) network model of prototype extraction, objects such as DOG, CAT and BAGEL and their names are coded as vectors of binary features or attributes. Given instance-based training, the model supports the Lockean view of schema, by retaining information about the patterns comprising each class and their interrelationships in the weights on connections between units in the network. One may take the view that the set of weighted connections between input units and the output unit for each class constitute the schemata. However, such a position revives an old debate in psychology; are the weighted connections entities in their own right or just relationships in which units stand ? - see Maze (1954) and McCorquodale & Meehl (1948). The message is clear: what may appear to be a plausible theory when presented verbally, can often appear otherwise when attempts are made to embody the processes of the theory in mechanism.
A major difficulty in this area is the propensity for theorists to adopt different definitions of the terms whole and part.. Gibson, (1969, p. 89), describing her feature theory, cites evidence (Hubel & Weisel, 1965) in support of her use of discontinuity as a feature. Lockhead (1972, p. 416) arguing for an holistic model, cites the same evidence in support of his notion of blob processing. If these theories are accepted as exemplifying the putative local/global opposition, then the opposition may, in some cases, rest on no more than the theorists' definitions of whole and part, making it difficult for empirical evidence to be brought to bear on the issue. Nonetheless, some theorists genuinely believe that global properties are extracted prior to local properties. The question is, of course, what is the mechanism that could recognize patterns in this way ? Leaving aside the definitional issue of what will constitute a whole and what will be regarded as it's parts, I know of no computer program that is capable of extracting properties like symmetry directly from patterns. In all cases, it is first necessary to compute a rich description of local properties and their relationships to each other prior to the computation of global properties. (Marr & Nishihara, 1978; Fukushima, 1988; Uhr & Vossler, 1963). Even programs that are said to recognize patterns by gestalt methods are, on closer analysis, seen to be deriving global properties from the products of prior local analysis (Uhr, 1959; Guiliano, Jones, Kimball, Meyer, & Stein, 1961; Tunstall, 1975).
One rejoinder to this claim of necessary prior local analysis of patterns is that the brain is simply an analog device (Dreyfus, 1972), and is not to be understood by traditional, scientific, analytic methods. A related rebuttal is the notion that the brain is possessed of smart mechanisms which can extract global properties directly without recourse to local analysis (Pomerantz & Kubovy, 1981; Runeson, 1977). Examples of smart mechanisms are devices like speedometers and planimeters which are said to extract speed, distance and area directly from the environment. Such rejoinders arise from the tendency of some theorists to ignore the relativity of the notions of whole and part (Rescher & Oppenheim, 1955; Wenderoth & Latimer, 1978) and could, in some cases, be said to verge on obscurantism.
For example, one could take the view that the whole brain is a smart mechanism capable of knowing things and, leave matters there. Newton could have viewed the entire solar system as a smart mechanism incapable of analysis and explanation. He did not, and it is to be hoped that experimental psychologists continue to follow his example. While one can, arbitrarily, regard speedometers and planimeters as mysterious black boxes housing continuous unanalyzable processes, one may also, equally arbitrarily, explain their abilities analytically by reference to discrete wheel revolutions causing discrete cable revolutions within discrete distances such as metres and kilometres. One may even take the physicist's view and analyze the mechanism at a molecular level. Similarly, with the visual system, one may adopt views ranging all the way from the Gestaltist holistic conception through neurophysiology to molecular structure. The question is, of course, what analysis, if any, is appropriate at a psychological level ? It is argued by some (Pomerantz, 1978) that proposed units of analysis should have functional or psychological validity; a pixel-level analysis is unsuitable because it would not be used by subjects[1]. How then does one determine what analysis is used by the human visual system ?
Clearly, the argument has come full circle; one must construct clear, precise, logical, explicitly defined theories of the processes to be investigated, and one can be aided in this venture by computer simulation. The difficulty for global-precedence theory is that, while there are many existing mechanisms for the derivation of global properties from the products of prior local analysis, there are, to the best of my knowledge, no working systems that can extract global properties directly from patterns. This is not to say that such systems could not be devised. What the global-precedence theorists need is a demonstration that visual patterns have unconditionally global properties - properties that could not, under any conditions, be derived from the products of any local analysis. Here again, I contend, is another example of psychological theory surviving because it has been shielded from investigative methods which may expose illogicality - the methods of computer simulation.
Connectionists often seek correspondence with neurophysiological evidence, but there is already a well established body of psychological evidence that attention, anxiety, arousal and motivation can affect learning and performance on cognitive tasks. If connectionists want psychologists to take modeling seriously, they may have to demonstrate that neural networks can incorporate mechanisms that simulate the effects of these important variables on behaviour.
Modeling is not without difficulty. It is necessary to distinguish between theory-relevant and theory-irrelevant routines in models, and to state clearly where psychophysical evidence has been used to support assumptions and where psychophysical investigation is necessary.
In many cases, current connectionist systems ignore the influence of important factors such as attention, arousal and motivation. To be taken seriously in psychology, I believe that connectionist models need to address these issues.
To what do the units in connectionist systems refer ? I have suggested a realist interpretation of the constituents of models; connectionist systems work because, at some level of neurophysiology, processes similar to those modeled in neural networks are present.
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[1] At least two issues are raised by the requirement that the units be functional. First, it is not a good idea to eliminate possible analyses without proper experimental investigation. One can conceive of tasks requiring same/different judgements where the patterns to be judged demand very close and detailed analysis. What the pattern recognition system makes use of as perceptual units may well be determined, in part, by task demands. Second, it is assumed here that the term functional does not mean conscious, although this distinction is not always clear in the literature.